The United States learned how to escort ships through the mined Strait of Hormuz during the 1980s ‘Tanker War’

(SeaPRwire) –   Naval mines floating in Persian Gulf waters, posing a threat to oil tankers. Iranian speedboats strafing ships with machine-gun fire in the Strait of Hormuz. And the U.S. caught right in the thick of the conflict.

This isn’t the ongoing Iran-U.S. conflict, which has been put on hold by a fragile ceasefire. Rather, it refers to the “Tanker War”—a period when Iran targeted maritime vessels during its 1980s war with Iraq, and U.S. warships intervened to escort Kuwaiti tankers, ensuring crude oil continued to flow to the global market.

Today, the U.S. might adopt that same approach and take a more assertive stance to safeguard ships transiting the strait—through which 20% of the world’s traded oil and natural gas moves during peacetime. In recent years, it provided more limited escorts for vessels attacked in the Red Sea, and this week, President Donald Trump stated he has directed the U.S. military to “shoot and kill” small Iranian boats.

However, providing escorts in the Strait of Hormuz wouldn’t be straightforward. Military technology has progressed since the “Tanker War.” The U.S. hasn’t set the same clear, focused objectives in the current conflict as it did in the 1980s. Additionally, it’s uncertain whether international shippers would feel secure even with a U.S. Navy escort, given that the U.S. is now a combatant.

Small boats, big problems

The U.S. Navy has long been aware of the small-boat tactics used by Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard, which has adjusted to international sanctions that prevent it from obtaining military vessels by repurposing smaller civilian ships for military use.

For years, the Guard has employed boats roughly the size of small commercial fishing vessels to shadow U.S. aircraft carriers whenever they traverse the strait. Instead of carrying fishing rods, most are equipped with Soviet-era heavy machine guns affixed to their bows and a small rocket launcher on top.

Using these small boats, Iran seized two cargo ships this week. A video released by the Guard showed its personnel on patrol boats that were dwarfed by the huge container ships. Guardsmen fired on the cargo vessels before boarding them, armed with assault rifles.

Aside from their propaganda benefit, the seizures demonstrated that nearly eight weeks into the war with the U.S. and Israel—with the U.S. Navy enforcing a blockade on Iran’s coasts—the Guard can leverage limited resources to effectively close the strait and hold the global economy hostage.

The ‘Tanker war’

The “Tanker War” emerged from the intense eight-year conflict between Iraq and Iran in the 1980s.

Iraq was the first to target Iranian oil infrastructure and tankers in the Persian Gulf. Iran later retaliated with a coordinated campaign against regional vessels, including laying mines.

According to the U.S. Naval Institute, Iraq ultimately attacked more than 280 vessels, compared to Iran’s 168. However, Iran’s deployment of mines created chaos in the region.

The U.S., which provided intelligence, weapons, and other assistance to Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, launched “Operation Earnest Will” and started escorting Kuwaiti oil tankers—ones that had been reflagged as U.S. vessels.

The operation wasn’t without risks. The Kuwaiti supertanker Bridgeton hit a mine while under U.S. escort early in the mission. An Iraqi missile strike on the USS Stark killed 37 sailors, while an Iranian mine attack injured 10 crew members on the USS Samuel B. Roberts. Additionally, the U.S. mistook a commercial airliner for a fighter jet and shot it down, resulting in the deaths of all 290 passengers and crew on Iran Air Flight 655.

No easy way out

Despite the obstacles, the “Tanker War” operation was successful: U.S. Navy ships escorted around 70 convoys through the region.

However, replicating that success today would be difficult.

The U.S. would need to ensure it could establish a barrier that Iran couldn’t breach—a daunting task, as even a single Iranian missile, drone, or boat-based attack would reignite the fear currently gripping the strait.

“If you compare the current situation to the ‘Tanker War,’ I believe that due to the evolution of military technology—especially on the asymmetric front—it’s far harder to secure a waterway now than it was back then,” stated Torbjorn Soltvedt, an analyst at risk intelligence firm Verisk Maplecroft.

“Unless there’s some kind of agreement, or unless the U.S. can substantially limit Iran’s capacity to deploy fast boats, drones, and short-range missiles, this issue will remain unsolved.”

This is one reason why European nations, despite pressure from Trump, have stated they won’t participate in a ship escort mission until the war ends.

According to Tom Duffy, a former U.S. diplomat and naval officer, the Reagan administration also had more focused, clear objectives in its Cold War operation—like keeping the strait open.

“By contrast, current U.S. goals have been a mix of everything from regime change to various highly maximalist objectives,” Duffy noted—he recently released a book titled “Tanker War in the Gulf.”

In recent years, the U.S. Navy provided limited escorts for vessels traveling through the Red Sea corridor to defend them against attacks by Yemen’s Iranian-supported Houthi rebels. However, the Navy focused on U.S.-flagged ships or those transporting supplies for the U.S. government.

During those missions, the Navy encountered its most intense naval combat since World War II. Using force to make the Strait of Hormuz safe for transit could lead to a similarly fierce confrontation.

Duffy also pointed out that it’s uncertain whether the Trump administration even wants to engage in such a fight.

“This week, the White House released a statement saying the ceasefire isn’t at risk because Iran isn’t attacking U.S. or Israeli ships. That’s a major shift,” he explained. “It deviates from centuries of U.S. practice and statements regarding the need for freedom of the seas.”

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EDITOR’S NOTE — Jon Gambrell, The Associated Press’s news director for the Gulf and Iran, has reported from all Gulf Cooperation Council countries, Iran, and other locations across the Middle East and beyond since joining AP in 2006.