38% of Gen Z Like Communism. The Republicans Did It to Themselves

(SeaPRwire) – By: Gavin Thorne
The numbers hit differently when you’ve lived through them. Born in communist Bulgaria, the author fled a system defined by empty shelves, grey power outages, and silenced dissent. Now he stares at a Cato Institute poll showing 38% of American 18-to-29-year-olds favorable toward communism. That’s double the rate among 45-54 year olds. Three times higher than 55-64 year olds. Almost a third of 30-to-44-year-olds also lean favorably. The irony is almost too sharp to ignore. The people most likely to reject what they call communism live farthest from it. The ones who’ve never seen a Soviet-bloc collapse are embracing the word itself. Gen Z isn’t nostalgic for the gulag. They’re searching for something else entirely.
Ahrefs scanned 684 million English-language news pages globally between 2016 and 2026. The result is stark: socialism mentions now match capitalism mentions, while communism mentions sit at recent highs. AKAS consulting data shows Google searches for “communism” in the US are up 82% since 2006, hitting an all-time high. The Cato Institute found 53% of 18-to-29s favorable toward socialism while only 45% favor capitalism. First-time home buyers were 29 in 1981. Today they’re 40 in 2025. That’s an 11-year shift in a single generation. The data isn’t ambiguous. Young voters aren’t confused by ideology. They’re confused by economics. The gap between living conditions and political promise is widening. Gen Z is the first cohort to feel it fully.
Trump mentioned “communist” 81 times in the two weeks surrounding the 4th of July. He labels opponents communists as a midterm campaign tactic. Young voters hear politicians throw around communism, socialism, utilitarianism, and authoritarianism constantly. They have no historical anchor for these words. They’re three generations removed from the Soviet era. Bruner explained that young people turn to Google search and AI to parse terms that hold no resonance for them. Harper Bruner, 17, a senior at Stanford Online High School focusing on history, sees the term abstractly. She associates communism with resources, not authoritarian regimes. Fenley Scurlock, 18, a Brown University freshman majoring in philosophy and co-author of Down to Business, agrees. Both interviewed by the original author, they reject the authoritarian framing entirely.
Scurlock’s observation cuts to the real problem. Republicans label universal healthcare and universal basic income as socialism or communism. They use these as scare words. But when young voters see something that benefits people labeled as socialist, they flip the equation. “Well, those things seem good. Maybe that means socialism is good,” Scurlock said. The red-baiting rhetoric has backfired. The Republican Party isn’t scaring Gen Z. It’s radicalizing them by association. Scurlock painted capitalism as failing. He sees corporations acting as authoritative entities. Billionaires buying media. Monopolies too big to fail. He called it “crony capitalism.” Outsourcing labor to underpaid, often underage workers overseas. Corruption in government from corporate interference.
Bruner sees it from the ground. She volunteers supporting Hispanic immigrants. She’s watched families without access to education, housing, or technology. Some lack pens, pencils, diapers, and period products. “High costs of living, soaring house prices, student debt, low student wage,” she said. “When you live under difficult market conditions, the ideas of universal equity or wealth redistribution catch your attention.” Bruner noted she grew up without Soviet-era memories. She views communism as resources, not authoritarianism. The 1981 home-buying age was 29. By 2025, it’s 40. That’s not a coincidence. It’s a symptom. This generation isn’t nostalgic for communism. They’re searching for a system that actually works.
The real question isn’t whether Gen Z will vote differently, but whether any party has a plan for them.
Author bio: Gavin Thorne is an investigative journalist based in Washington, D.C., covering legislative affairs, campaign finance, and the demographic shifts reshaping American electoral politics.